Review of Richard K. Behrens’ 2006 article “Dartmouth Arminianism And Its Impact on Hyrum Smith And the Smith Family.”

By Jonathan Neville

August 2025

Abstract. In 2006, the John Whitmer Historical Association Journal published a seminal article by Richard K. Behrens about the influence of the Dartmouth College community and curriculum on Hyrum Smith, and by extension on the Smith family, including Joseph Smith, Jr. This important article presents “a plausible intellectual development view of Joseph Smith from the perspective of his brother Hyrum Smith.” It is an intriguing hypothesis that may appeal to those interested in a naturalistic explanation for Joseph Smith’s teachings.

However, it lacks supporting evidence to substantiate its fundamental claim that Hyrum Smith conveyed theological ideas from Dartmouth to Joseph Smith. Instead of facts, the article relies on parallelism, assumption, inference and theory. Other naturalistic explanations are better supported by facts.

The article’s hypothesis would be improved by correcting factual errors and providing specific facts to support its assumptions, inferences and theories.

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In 2006, the John Whitmer Historical Association Journal published a seminal article by Richard K. Behrens about the influence of the Dartmouth College community and curriculum on Hyrum Smith, and by extension on the Smith family, including Joseph Smith, Jr.

“Dartmouth Arminianism And Its Impact on Hyrum Smith And the Smith Family,” Richard K. Behrens

The John Whitmer Historical Association Journal

Vol. 26 (2006), pp. 166-184 (19 pages)

Published By: John Whitmer Historical Association (JWHA)

https://www.jstor.org/stable/43200240

This important article presents “a plausible intellectual development view of Joseph Smith from the perspective of his brother Hyrum Smith.” It proposes that “The early Dartmouth community… provided a unique vantage point from which Hyrum, who entered the Dartmouth community in 1811 and left in 1816, could perceptively view as well as participate in future Mormon doctrinal and community development.”

Behrens and others imply that Hyrum, while attending Moor’s School, learned elements of religious doctrine and practice that he then passed on to his younger brother Joseph, who in turn used it in developing Mormon doctrines and practices. Behrens identifies several connections between Dartmouth and Mormonism, ranging from theological concepts to influential Dartmouth alumni.

It is an intriguing hypothesis that may appeal to those interested in a naturalistic explanation for Joseph Smith’s teachings.

However, it lacks supporting evidence to substantiate its fundamental claim that Hyrum Smith conveyed theological ideas from Dartmouth to Joseph Smith. Instead of facts, the article relies on parallelism, assumption, inference and theory. Other naturalistic explanations are better supported by facts.

From a purely factual basis, the article can be summarized by this question: “Could Hyrum’s brief studies of Arithmetic at Moor’s school have influenced Joseph’s later theology, or does this claim require more direct evidence?”

I conclude the claim requires more direct evidence.

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My review follows the priorities of the FAITH model of analysis (https://www.mobom.org/faith-model), which emphasizes starting any inquiry with known facts, clearly presented.

My review concludes that the article’s propositions are reasonable if one accepts its assumptions. However, most of the assumptions are not based on known facts, and in many cases are inconsistent with known facts.

Some relevant facts not presented in the article, including images of relevant records from Dartmouth, are posted at the BH Roberts Foundation at this link:

 (https://mormonr.org/qnas/MggWf/joseph_smiths_pre_1830_education/research#re-2wubdc-ZrX2nb).

I verified those records and obtained additional ones from Dartmouth as part of my review. I made these records available here:

https://www.mobom.org/dartmouth-college-and-moors-school

Because all authors have biases, it is important to articulate one’s biases at the outset. I welcome various hypotheses about possible influences on Joseph Smith, including any influences from Dartmouth, because I believe Joseph Smith’s accounts of his experiences. That includes believing he translated ancient plates by drawing on his own mental language bank, including terms, phrases and concepts he was familiar with—just as any translator does. Influences that may have informed the translation can thus expand understanding and appreciation of the Book of Mormon and Joseph’s other teachings.

Because it has become common for people to conflate their assumptions, inferences and theories with actual facts, I apply the FAITH model of analysis, which separates facts from assumptions, inferences and theories that lead to multiple working hypotheses.

The proposition that a teenage Hyrum Smith, attending Moor’s charity school, somehow absorbed sophisticated and often complex theological concepts and then related them to his even younger brother Joseph is implausible. Nevertheless, if there are facts to support that proposition, I would readily incorporate them into my conclusions.

But this article does not provide such facts, leaving a tenuous, hypothetical connection between Hyrum’s brief attendance at Moor’s school and later decades of sophisticated theological development. The article’s proposition requires more specific factual evidence than was presented in this article or by other advocates of the Dartmouth influence.

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To make the review easy to follow and to avoid misstating any of the original article, I have written this review as though I was on the peer review team, reviewing the article prior to its original publication. I omitted portions of the original article that were not relevant, as explained in the review.

My comments are indented and in red type. Additional quotations are in green. Where possible I supplied links to sources cited in the original article.

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Dartmouth Arminianism

And Its Impact on Hyrum Smith And the Smith Family

Richard K. Behrens

Introduction

In this paper I shall demonstrate the close relationship between the early Dartmouth College community and curriculum (see exhibits 2 and 3); the members of the extended family of the prophet Joseph Smith, who were an integral part of that community from 1771 to 1817 (see exhibit 1 and exhibit 4); and subsequent Mormon doctrine and community, which emerged under the direction of Joseph Smith (see exhibit 5). I shall proceed to develop a plausible intellectual development view of Joseph Smith from the perspective of his brother Hyrum Smith.

I will discuss each of these in the body of the review.

The early Dartmouth community organized in the 1770s and its expanding curriculum through 1815 provided a unique vantage point from which Hyrum, who entered the Dartmouth community in 1811 and left in 1816, could perceptively view as well as participate in future Mormon doctrinal and community development.

This paragraph contains the critical assumptions upon which the rest of the article is based. But the FAITH model starts with facts, not assumptions.

The article says Hyrum “entered the Dartmouth community in 1811 and left in 1816,” but there are no citations to evidence for these claims.  

The vague phrase “Dartmouth community” blurs the distinction between Moor’s Indian Charity School and Dartmouth College. In 1814, there were 57 students at Moor’s school, of whom 13 were “Charity scholars” who paid no tuition. Some students in Moor’s School studied Virgil and Cicero, while others studied Arithmetic and Reading.

In the early 1800s Dartmouth College apparently had around 150--200 students, four times as many as Moor’s school. Curriculum at the college was more advanced than at Moor’s.

Regarding Hyrum’s attendance, if there are any records from Moor’s school from the school years 1811-1812 and 1812-1813, the article does not cite them and I could not find any. The 1811 date is apparently an assumption based on Lucy Mack Smith’s 1844-1845 histories (see below).

However, there are facts to consider.

The record of attendance at Moor’s Ind. Charity School for the year 1813-1814 lists the students who attended each quarter, the subjects they studied, their home town, and whether or not they paid tuition. Hiram (Hyrum) Smith is not listed. See this and other images of the original documents here: https://www.mobom.org/dartmouth-college-and-moors-school

For the year 1814-1815, “Hiram Smith” is listed on the first quarter roster (Aug. 28th to Nov. 19th, 1814) as studying “Arithmetic” with “Lebanon” as his home town. He is included under “Charity scholars” classification and is the only one studying “Arithmetic.”

Other “Charity scholars” in his class studied Virgil, Reading, Mathematics, Navigation, English Grammar, and Greek Testament. Paying students had similar classes. By comparison to those subjects, Hyrum studying “Arithmetic” suggests he was a new student, not a student who had been attending for one or more years.

(Some of the paying students studied Arithmetic along with another subject. Hyrum was one of only 3 out of 57 students who were listed as studying only Arithmetic.)

The Table of Attendance at the end of this review lists all of the students on the Moor’s school roster for 1814-1815. Students who also appear on the roster for 1813-1814 are indicated in bold type.

Of the ten “Charity Scholars,” seven are listed on the roster for the 1813-14 school year, but Hyrum and two others are not. This suggests these three were either transfer or new students. Hyrum did not move so he would be a new student, which corroborates the inference arising from his study of “Arithmetic.”

30 of the 57 students (53%) enrolled in the first quarter along with Hyrum did not return for the second quarter. This means Hyrum's absence was typical. Perhaps that was due to the epidemic.

Only 14 of the 57 students (25%) enrolled in the first quarter completed all four quarters in 1814-15.

Several students were added in every quarter, but the total number of students declined every quarter, from 57 to 51 to 38 to 36. This may be another indication of the enduring impact of the epidemic. Lucy’s account says they had a year of sickness.

There is also a record of students of Moor’s school who attended final exams on August 22, 1816. Several of Hyrum’s 1814 classmates are listed (annotated with an asterisk in the Table of Attendance), but he is not.

If there are other documentary sources showing Hyrum’s attendance at Moor’s school, the article did not mention or cite them, I could not find them, no one has brought them forward as I requested publicly.

The defining of the Dartmouth community and curriculum would soon be followed by the subsequent divining of the Mormon doctrine and     community.  

This sentence infers but does not establish any causal connection between Dartmouth and Mormon doctrine and community.

Early Dartmouth intellectual inquiry focused on philosophical and theological questions, which challenged America as it emerged from New England Puritanism to face the challenges of the Enlightenment. Many of these same questions would later be systematically answered by the prophet Joseph Smith.

Those questions that “challenged America” were ubiquitous among Christian and secular authors. The article does not explain how Joseph Smith “systematically answered” these questions. To the extent Joseph answered these questions, the answers unrolled through a variety of contexts over many years, including the narrative of the Book of Mormon, specific revelations that addressed a variety of topics including personal instructions to specific individuals, and various lectures, sermons, and comments that people recorded in their personal journals and memoirs.

The effort to build the Dartmouth community and curriculum by Dartmouth founder, Eleazar Wheelock, and his son, John Wheelock who succeeded him in 1800, chaotically came to an end with the campus political crisis from 1811 to 1819.  The crisis was eventually settled by the Dartmouth College Case, the landmark United States Supreme Case, which preserved the sanctity of charters.

The correct citation is Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 518 (1819).

This landmark decision marked the end of the Dartmouth’s “School of the Prophets” and its original mission to teach the Indians.

The term “School of the Prophets” was not unique to Dartmouth and not uncommon in Christian writings. For example, in the early 1700s Jonathan Edwards referred to a “school of the prophets” in his Biblical commentaries. “God's beginning a constant succession of prophets in Samuel's time that was to last for many ages, and to that end as establishing a school of the prophets under Samuel thenceforward to be continued in Israel.” (emphasis added)

Fortuitously, Hyrum was able to observe this crisis as it literally unfolded before his eyes. He could assess the words and actions of as well as the results achieved by the warring factions. His later role as a peacemaker most likely developed from this vantage point.

The claim that these debates “literally unfolded before” Hyrum’s eyes is an assumption not supported by specific facts or citations. Readers can evaluate the plausibility of a teenage Hyrum, who attended Moor’s school as a “Charity scholar” for one quarter to study “Arithmetic,” “could assess the words and actions” of the “warring factions” that led to a complicated Supreme Court case. Anyone can read the Supreme Court decision and see how complicated the issues were.

 https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/17/518/

The Dartmouth charter had been granted in 1759 by King George III of Great Britain. After the Dartmouth trustees deposed the President of Dartmouth, the New Hampshire legislature altered Dartmouth’s charter on June 27, 1816. In August, the trustees of Dartmouth voted to refuse to accept or abide by the legislation. In December, the legislature further amended the charter.

To reiterate, there are no known records of Hyrum attending Moor’s school in 1815 or 1816. The Smiths moved to Palmyra in the winter of 1816-17. The Dartmouth case was argued at the Supreme Court in March 1818 but not decided until February 1819. Readers can decide for themselves how closely Hyrum was following this case as it progressed.

Subsequently, Hyrum and several members of the extended Smith family with ties to Dartmouth would go on to assist Joseph Smith in building Mormon doctrine and community.

This claim is assessed below when individuals are identified.

When crisis threatened his community in Nauvoo, Joseph Smith was able to responsively secure from the State of Illinois for the community a strong charter, which protected Nauvoo against its enemies, due to the precedent set in the Dartmouth College Case, until the threatened Mormon community was able to reach survival mass.

This is an inaccurate summary of the situation. In fact, the Illinois legislature revoked the Nauvoo charter on January 29, 1845 (six months after Joseph’s death), and Brigham Young sought legal advice for a response.

Because the article lists the Dartmouth College Case as one of its key points, it is appropriate to clarify some facts about that case.

The article’s lack of citations can be remedied by citations to known facts, such as a letter from James Arlington Bennet to Brigham Young, dated 27 February 1845, responding to Brigham’s letter seeking advice about the Illinois legislature’s repeal of the Nauvoo charter. Bennet had been baptized by Brigham in 1843 but never participated in the church. In his letter, Bennet told Brigham that the 1819 Dartmouth case might be a good defense against the action of the legislature, assuming the Nauvoo charter had conveyed any property, but if it did not, “your existence as a city is doubtful.” In a second letter, Bennet outlined an alternative plan, whereby the city could convey property to an individual who could sell it to someone else who could move to another state, so that if the state of Illinois revoked the charter, the ultimate buyer could sue in federal court on the ground that Illinois could not impair the contract.

See note 308 here: https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/council-of-fifty-minutes-march-1844-january-1846-volume-2-1-march-6-may-1845/213

Brigham Young also asked Daniel Webster’s advice. Webster declined to give an opinion without more information, but explained that legislatures could alter political corporations “provided such alterations did not affect private property.” See note 309, supra.

John Smith and the Dartmouth Curriculum

John Smith was born December 21, 1752, in Rowley, Massachusetts, to Joseph Smith and Elizabeth Palmer[1], both cousins of Asael Smith and Mary Duty, the paternal grandparents of the prophet Joseph Smith.

The FAITH model starts with facts, so we assess the fact claims in this paragraph.

Note 1 (bottom of the page) cites Chapman’s 1867 Sketches of the Alumni of Dartmouth College.

The online Introduction to the book explains that “In 1867, the Rev. George T. Chapman, Class of 1804, published his compilation of biographical sketches for graduates of Dartmouth College….”

https://www.dartmouth.edu/library/rauner/chapman/

An annotation in the online edition of Chapman’s book (provided by Dartmouth) has a handwritten annotation above Palmer that reads “Sawyer?” This indicates that Elizabeth was not a Palmer but instead her maiden name was Sawyer. The Introduction explains that the writer of that annotation was “John M. Comstock, class of 1877, who for many years served as the statistical secretary of the Association of Alumni of Dartmouth College.”

Thus, by the late 1800s, Comstock noted that the Palmer identification appears to be an error. The official Dartmouth copy, containing Comstock’s corrections, should be considered as directly relevant.

The citation did not specify which copy of “Sketches” was used, or where it was located, or whether it was available online. It likely was not the Comstock edition that Dartmouth has digitized and put online.

There is another copy of Sketches online from the Univ. of California that does not include Comstock’s annotations, which is the copy cited by the BH Roberts Foundation (mormonr.org).

https://www.cga.ct.gov/hco/books/Sketches_of_the_Alumni_of_Dartmouth.pdf

Comstock may have made the annotation because Dr. John Smith’s widow, Susan Mason Smith, wrote “a brief memoir” to accompany Dartmouth’s collection of John Smith’s lectures and grammar books. In that memoir, Susan wrote,

The Rev. John Smith was born in Byfield Mass. Dec 21. 1752…. His mother was a descendant of the Sawyer family, who came from England to this country in the year 1643, and settled in Rowley, Mass, where he was born and brought up. She was sister to Deacon Sawyer, who was among the first settlers of Hopkinton N. H. who was a man of much civil and religious influence in the town, respected, and beloved by all who knew him, he there lived and died at a very advanced age, leaving upward of 200 descendants. (emphasis added)

An image of the original document is available with the other Dartmouth documents at Mobom.org.

The next footnote cites Susan’s “unpublished biography” without mentioning the discrepancy between Susan’s account and Behrens’ assumption about John Smith’s mother’s maiden name.

The article’s genealogical table and the resulting conclusion is based on his misidentification of the John Smith (the son of Joseph Smith and Elizabeth Palmer) who was related to Joseph Smith, Jr. with the Dr. John Smith at Dartmouth (the son of Joseph Smith and Elizabeth Sawyer).

All of this genealogical information is relevant to a major premise of the article. However, these original documents indicate that premise is based on a factual error.  This genealogical error undermines the article’s foundational claim about Dartmouth’s influence on Hyrum Smith via John Smith.

It is important to note that the BH Roberts Foundation uncovered this problem by consulting the Dartmouth material on John Smith’s lectures without also noticing that Comstock had also made the correction on Dartmouth’s edition of Chapman’s Sketches. Thus there are at least two separate ways to discover the factual error behind the article’s genealogical assumption.

Since Mary Duty grew up in Rowley where her family lived for generations before her marriage to Asael and subsequent move to nearby Ipswich in 1767, it is quite certain that she knew her mother’s first cousin Elizabeth, John’s mother.

The claim that it is “quite certain” is itself an assumption, but the sources show that the Elizabeth to whom the article refers is not Elizabeth Palmer but Elizabeth Sawyer.

John, however, was sent off to Dummer Academy in Byefield near Topsfield and Rowley, Massachusetts, soon after his parents died when he was a young boy. At Dummer Academy, the first boarding school in America, John soon excelled in Greek and Latin under classicist Samuel Moody and read through Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey twice and the lesser Greek poets in Greek and Cicero and the lesser Roman poets in Latin.[2]

This is irrelevant because of the article’s misidentification of John as a distant relative of Joseph Smith.

Samuel Moody, a friend of Royal Governor John Wentworth of New Hampshire, was invited to join the governor’s entourage and attend the first Dartmouth graduation in 1771 the same year that Joseph Smith Sr. was born to Asael Smith and Mary Duty in Topsfield, Massachusetts. Moody asked John Smith, who was scheduled to enter Yale in the fall, to join him. John was fascinated by the wilderness setting of the college and Eleazar Wheelock was very impressed with him and invited John to stay and enter the junior class.[3]

John was soon studying Hebrew and ancient texts and graduated in 1773. From 1774 to 1778 John was appointed tutor in ancient languages and studied divinity under Eleazar Wheelock. In 1778 he was appointed the first Professor at Dartmouth. John and tutor Bezaleel Woodward helped keep the college functioning while tutors Sylvanus Ripley and John Wheelock were serving in the Revolutionary Army. Later that year, John Smith also prepared the natural philosophy lectures for Bezaleel Woodward who was teaching mathematics, acting as treasurer of the college and dabbling in local politics.[4]  

Although this paragraph cites Chapman’s book, little of this info is in the cited reference.

Soon after,   John developed the ancient language course, which at first included Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syriac, Assyric, and later added Arabic and Coptic Egyptian. 

Knowledge of classical languages was not uncommon among educated people in early America. While Hyrum was studying Arithmetic, his classmates in Moor’s college were studying Virgil and Cicero. In the early 1700s, Jonathan Edwards was fluent in Latin, Greek and Hebrew when he graduated from Yale at age 16.

He was also co-pastor of the college church from 1780 to 1787 with Sylvanus Ripley until Ripley died in a sleighing accident in February 1787 and sole pastor thereafter until his death in 1809.[5]

Several paragraphs about John Smith’s biography, including footnotes, are omitted here in the interest of space and because they are irrelevant due to the genealogical error. This omission deleted 5 footnotes, which changed the numbering of subsequent footnotes. I retained the next paragraph because it is referenced in the section below.

Note that the John Smith papers are available at BYU and Dartmouth, but not online.

https://archives.lib.byu.edu/repositories/14/resources/12459

The astronomy section of his Natural Philosophy lectures begins with Ptolemy and proceeds through Newton but ends with interesting speculations on multiple peopled worlds and the age of the universe. Smith speculated that if an infinite creator could make one perfect system, why not many and if many why not millions.[6] The earth science section covers the known science through the   late  18th century but ends with equally interesting speculations about the peopling of America with special notice given to the marble inscription in Canaanite found near Tangiers mentioned by the Roman Historian Procopius which states: “We fly from Joshua, son of Nun, the Robber.” Smith felt that if Canaanites could reach West Africa why not the Americas with favorable winds and      currents.[7]

Early Dartmouth Students of Interest in Mormon Studies

Solomon Spaulding, class of 1785, followed the above [John Smith] lecture material closely when he wrote Manuscript Found in 1812 in eastern Ohio.[8]

The note cites the book but no page numbers or any examples to support this claim.  The note does not indicate where the book can be found today and does not explain that the book was found in Hawaii in the late 1800s.

After graduating Solomon spent several years as an evangelist before his health and spirit failed. He soon became a Deist and joined his brother in commercial ventures near Cherry Hill, New York, next to the Oneida and Stockbridge reservations before moving on to land speculation and other ventures in Ohio.

After excavating some Indian mounds on his property, in which sophisticated ancient Indian remains were found, he decided to write his tale of the origin of the Indians,[9] beginning with 2 odysseys following John Smith’s suggested Bering Strait crossing by land and an Atlantic sea crossing through the Mediterranean.

Note 9 cites the Chapman book, which is one of the most cited sources in the article (17/60 total footnotes). Chapman’s anti-Mormon bias is evident from Chapman’s entry on Solomon Spalding. Chapman relates the narrative that Sidney Rigdon copied the Spalding book to create the Book of Mormon, a narrative that has been repeatedly debunked.

Josiah, then visiting his brother [Solomon Spalding], found him in poor health and low spirits, writing a work of fiction, suggested by the opening of a mound, in which were discovered human bones and some relicks [sic] indicative of a former civilized race. He entitled his work a “Manuscript Found,” and in it imagined the fortunes of the extinct people. Josiah left him thus employed. Not long after, probably in 1811 [this is amended by handwriting to 1812] Solomon went to Pittsburg, Pa, where he was followed by Sidney Rigdon, then a printer and afterwards a noted Mormon. He told his employer of Spalding’s novel, who borrowed the manuscript and offered to print it. This was refused, and the author wandered to Amity [Pa], the place of his death. His widow returned to New York with the manuscript, and while absent from home, a stranger called on her and desired to examine it, that he might confirm or refute a report current in the West, that it had become the Mormon bible. She permitted him to visit her house and obtain it from a certain chest. He went and reported that he could not find it. Mrs Spalding never saw it after this. The probability is, that Rigdon copied the work at Pittsburgh and that the stranger purloined the original to avoid a future exposure. The uniform testimony of those who read the work is, that the basis and in great part the form thereof now constitute the Mormon bible. And thus a clergyman was most unwittingly and innocently the medium of a delusion, whose dimensions have become so large and its impostures so monstrous. The above facts are chiefly imbodied from a letter written by the brother in question and dated at Eastford, Jan. 6, 1855. (emphasis added)

Spalding’s manuscript was discovered in Hawaii in the late 1800s and bears little resemblance to the Book of Mormon.

Spaulding then added an Iliad focused on the Helen of Troy model but with a reverse ending. The prince of the south visited the king of the north and stole his wife. The king of the north in classic Homeric fashion raised an army and went to retrieve his wife. To explain the condition of the savage Native Americans, Solomon has the less civilized Trojan-type win.

Ethan Smith, class of 1790, also followed the lecture material including the early theology lectures begun by John Smith in 1787 when Ethan wrote View of the Hebrews in 1823.

After graduating in 1790, Ethan studied with Dartmouth pastors Eden Burroughs, trustee, and Asa Burton, class of 1777, in Thetford, Vermont, before beginning his first pastorate in Haverhill, New Hampshire, across the Connecticut River. In 1800 he took a new position in Hopkinton near Concord, New Hampshire.[10]

By 1811 he began his profuse writing career covering theology and prophecy.16    

The cited reference does not say this.

Ethan’s many doctrinal works on such subjects as infant baptism, women in Zion, the Godhead, prophecy, etc. were soon well circulated on campus immediately at Dartmouth after they were well received on the Dartmouth pastoral circuit. His son Lyndon arrived in Hanover as a freshman in the fall of 1813 and seems to have promoted his father’s books to the campus literary and theological societies.[11]

The cited reference lists Lydon under “Alumni 1817” but merely says “He studied medicine with Dr John Bott of Petersburg, Va, also at Dart. and Williams Med. Colleges, graduating at both in 1823.” The unexplained discrepancy in the source needs clarification.

Student names appear in a number of the library copies.    

This is not useful without knowing how many names appear in how many copies, and how that compares with what other books.

In 1817 the same year that Lyndon graduated,

Notice the contradiction with the cited reference.

Ethan took a new position in Hebron, New York, between the Oneida and Stockbridge reservations in the area worked by Dartmouth missionaries in earlier times. From 1817 to 1822 he researched material for his View of the Hebrews before he moved to a new pastorate in Poultney, Vermont, in 1822.[12] 

The cited reference says he was installed pastor at Poultney Nov. 21, 1821, and was dismissed in Dec. 1826, and says nothing about his research.

The 1825 edition of the book contains more information from Elias Boudinot’s, A Star in the West, and Alexander Von Humbolt’s 1814 work on Mesoamerica probably suggested by Lyndon from his study in John Wheelock’s class.

A citation or link to show that Lyndon studied in Wheelock’s class would be important to support the article’s claim that this was “probably suggested.”

Ethan used a standard Bering Strait crossing for his odyssey and war of attrition for his Iliad.[13]

After studying with Asa Burton, Elijah Lyman, class of 1787, began his long pastorate in Brookfield, Vermont.[14]    After his brother Richard died in 1802  in Lebanon, New Hampshire, he brought Richard’s family from Lebanon, New Hampshire, to live with him in Brookfield, Orange County, Vermont just north of Tunbridge. Elijah trained Clarissa, Richard’s daughter from twelve years of age along with Dartmouth graduates who were preparing to go on missions to the Indians. In 1815 Elijah married Clarissa and John Smith while he was training Alfred Finney, Dartmouth class of 1814, before he left on his life long [sic] mission to the Western Cherokee in Arkansas.[15]

“Life long” in this case means 9 years. The cited source explains that Finney was a missionary from Jan 1820 until his death in 1829 at age 39.

George A. Smith arrived in the new family in 1817 with Caroline and John Lyman to follow in 1820 and 1823. Clarissa and George A. would read the Book of Mormon when received from Joseph Smith Sr. in 1830 and recommend it strongly to John’s brothers. George even defended the book when challenged by local “professors” of religion.[16]

Dartmouth Theology Lectures: Source of much Mormon Doctrine?

 According to John Smith’s widow, Susan Mason, John Smith’s Theology lectures represent his opus magna, which he was preparing for publication at the time of his death. She states in a short biography of her husband attached to the almost complete manuscript of his theology lectures that he felt it was the most challenging of his various undertakings and required 17 years to prepare the original 34 lectures and another five years to reduce them to an edited manuscript.[17]

Note that Susan’s bio has page numbers that are not cited, making it difficult for readers to follow up. Recall also that Susan explained in this same bio that John’s mother was a Sawyer, not a Palmer.

These lectures trace his evolution from Greek classicist to ancient text specialist to Arminian theologian and are probably best summarized in 20 topics as follows:[18]

The cursory citation is unhelpful. Presumably the author extracted these topics from the lectures to promote his hypothesis, but it is unclear which topics are in which lectures. Even assuming the summary is accurate and has parallels to later Mormon theology, readers have no way to assess how fairly it characterizes the original material or how difficult it would be for someone (such as teenage Hyrum Smith) to extract this material from the lectures, organize it, record it, and relay it to his even younger brother.

(1)   Greek philosophy provided his concept of the Preexistence

(2)  Atonement Covenant was made before the earth was

(3)  Plan of Salvation was agreed to in the Preexistence

(4)  Father, Son and sons of men were together in the Preexistence

(5)  Spiritual death was man’s condition after the Fall

(6)  Son’s Church would exist in all ages after the Fall

(7)  Types and shadows of the covenant found in Scriptures

(8)  Oaths and covenants serve as Deity’s legal structure

(9)  Light, borrowed light and the light of reason would guide

(10)   Melchizedek Priesthood is co-eternal with God

(11) The Priesthood is the source of the Son’s authority

(12)   Aaronic Priesthood promised to Aaron’s descendants

(13)   Free Agency and the right to choose is integral to plan

(14)   Degrees of Glory is the structure of the Eternities

(15)   Consecration to Christ is required for highest exaltation

(16)   Revelation required to know ultimate nature of God

(17)   Spirit is a  simpler form of matter

(18)   The prosperity cycle is the natural direction of history

(19)   Millions of peopled worlds

(20)  Father argues for justice and Son argues for mercy

The Tunbridge Cowderys: Why Oliver?

The Cowderys of Tunbridge were neighbors to the Mack and Smith Families and settled in Tunbridge, Vermont, about the same time and both the Cowdery and Smith families intermarried with the Sanford Family. The patriarch of the Cowdery clan in Tunbridge was Jabez Cowdery, uncle of William Cowdery, Oliver Cowdery’s father, who settled in Wells, Vermont, near Poultney, Vermont. Many of Oliver’s family were members of Ethan Smith’s congregation in Poultney, Vermont and were aware of View of the Hebrews and Ethan’s other works. The Cowdery family relationships and the Cowdery family awareness of Ethan Smith were especially good preparation for later events in New York and Pennsylvania that we shall study in more detail later in this paper.

Here, “especially good preparation” is assumption and inference, not fact.

The later interaction of the Smith and Cowdery families will be integral to the bringing forth of the Book of Mormon.

The “later interaction” consisted of Oliver boarding with Joseph’s parents while teaching school and then working closely with Joseph as a scribe and co-participant in the early events of the Restoration.

Hyrum Smith Enters Moor’s School

Lucy Mack Smith in her history of the Smith family noted that Hyrum entered into Moor’s Academy in 1811.[19]

Pursuant to the FAITH model, we assess the fact claim in this sentence. To support its claim, the article cites Lucy’s history, which she dictated from memory in 1844-5. But Lucy does not say when Hyrum started or how long he stayed. This is Lucy’s actual statement.

Thence To <​to​> Lebanon <​1811​> here we settled ourselves down and began to congratulate ourselves upon our prosperity and also to renew our exertions to obtain a greater abundance of this worlds Goods… as my children had been deprived of school we made every arrangement to suply that deficency our second son <​Hyrum [Smith]​> we sent to <​established in​> the accademy in Hanover the remmainder who were old enough attended a school near by whilst while The their Father and myself were industriously laboring late and early to do all in our power for their future wellfare We met with success on every hand

But the scene Soon changed When we had been in this place for the space of 2 years <​in 1813​> the typhus fever came into Lebanon and raged there horribly among the rest who were seized with this comppaint complaint were was my my oldest daughter Sophronia who was sick 4 weeks next Hyrum came from Hanover <​sick​> with the same disease then Alvin [Smith] my oldest and so on till there was not one of my Family left well save Mr Smith and myself (emphasis added)

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/27

Notice that she says that after they established Hyrum in the academy (Moor’s school), “the scene soon changed.” She originally said it was two years after they moved to Lebanon, then she or someone else changed that to “1813.” But the Moor’s roster for the 1813-1814 school year does not show Hyrum as a student. Instead, it shows him attending the first quarter (fall) of 1814. The documentary evidence indicates that Lucy’s 40-year-old memory was off by one year.

In her 1845 history, she explained.

We moved, as before mentioned, to the town of Lebanon: <​New Hampshire​>: here we settled ourselves down, and began to reflect with joy and satisfaction upon the prosperity which had attended our recent exertions; and we doubled our diligence to obtain more of this world’s goods in order to assist our children; besides, as is quite natural, we looked forward to the decline of life, and were making provisions for its wants, as well as its comforts. And, as our children had in a measure been debarred the privilege of schools, we began to make arrangements to attend to this important duty. To this end we established our second Son (Hyrum [Smith]) in an academy at Hanover; and the rest that were of sufficient age, we sent to a common school, which was quite convenient; meanwhile myself and husband were doing all that our abilities would admit of, for the future welfare and advantage of the family, and were greatly blessed in our labors.

But this state of things did not long continue. The typhus fever came into Lebanon, and raged tremendously; and among the number seized with this complaint; was first Sophronia, and then Hyrum, who was taken while at School and came home sick; next Alvin [Smith] was attacked: in short, one after another was taken down, till all of the family, with the exception of myself and husband, were prostrated upon a bed<​s​> of sickness. (emphasis added)

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1845/63

Here again, Lucy does not say when Hyrum started at the Academy, only that it was after they moved to Lebanon in 1811 and after they had obtained “more of this world’s goods.” In this later version of her history she does not specify a date for the typhus fever.

The school records show that more than half of Hyrum’s classmates in the first quarter (fall) of the 1814-1815 school year did not attend the second quarter. This suggests that Hyrum was not the only student who “came home sick” because of the typhus fever epidemic.

The records also show that throughout the year, students attended intermittently. Only 14 out of the 57 students (25%) enrolled in the first quarter completed all four quarters in 1814-15, which corroborates the likelihood that the epidemic swept through the school.

John Wheelock, President of Dartmouth College and Moor’s Academy, would have interviewed Hyrum briefly at matriculation for the first of many periodic interviews they would have and would also teach Moor’s Academy one day a week as relief for the preceptor Joseph Perry, class of 1810.

It is reasonable to assume (but not a fact) that Wheelock interviewed Hyrum at least once, but more than that is not supported by any actual documents.

Stephen Mack, Hyrum’s cousin, was also a student at Moor’s Academy.

“Stephen Mack” is not listed as one of Hyrum’s classmates in 1814. A “Stephen Mack” of Tunbridge is listed on the roster for the 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th quarters of 1813, however. He studied “Arit. Eng. Gr & Geog” and passed his exams in those subjects in August 1814. See the images on mobom.org.

John Ball,[20] class of 1820, Hyrum’s Aunt Sally’s brother would enter Dartmouth in 1816 and in May 1832 would meet with the Mormon leaders in Jackson County, Missouri on his way to Oregon with the Wyeth Expedition.[21]

The article lacks a specific citation to support the assertion that Ball was in the Wythe company and met with Mormon leaders in Missouri. Note 21 cites the Evening and Morning Star, which puts the claim in context. (The article misspelled the name of the company, but the reference is easily found with the correct spelling.) Although the article claims Ball “would meet with the Mormon leaders,” the cited Star article does not mention John Ball and shows that, if he was in the Wythe company, he was only one of 30 people. Furthermore, the Wythe company was only one of 4 companies, totaling over 250 people, that were mentioned in the brief notice.

EARLY in May, Capt. Bonaville’s Company, (150) under the command of Capt. Walker passed this town, on its way to the Rocky Mountains, to trap and hunt for fur in the vast country of the Black Feet Indians. About the middle of May, Capt. Soublett’s Company, (70) passed, for the Rocky Mountains, on the same business. At which time, also, Capt. Wythe of Mass., with a Company of 30, passed for the mouth of Oregon River, to prepare (as it is said) for settling a territory. During the month of May there also passed one Company bound to Santa Fee. (emphasis added)

(Evening and Morning Star I.1:6 ¶19)

The Chapman entry cited in Note 20 states that

“John Ball… went into the manufacture of oil cloth until Jan. 1832; then journeyed across the plains and over the Rocky mountains to San Francisco, Cal. And sailed thence to the Sandwich and Society islands… returning in 1834.”

While it is possible that Ball was in the Wythe company and met with Mormon leaders in Missouri, the absence of a source for that claim leaves this as a mere assumption.

It is not certain whether Elijah Paine,[22] Dartmouth trustee who held a mortgage on Solomon Mack’s farm in Sharon, Vermont, influenced this outcome or whether the phenomenon resulted from mere coincidence.

By writing “It is not certain” here, the article uses litotes to understate the absence of proof, implying doubt rather than simply admitting there's no basis for the claim. A more accurate statement would be “it is possible, but unknown, whether Elijah Paine...”

Until March of 1813 Hyrum was exposed to this unique intellectual environment, which included Moor’s Academy, Dartmouth College and the Dartmouth Medical School and its new medical theatre, which was completed after his arrival on campus. A sick Hyrum returned home to a family already sick with Typhoid fever.[23]      

Because there are no records of Hyrum attending Moor’s school prior to fall of 1814, this paragraph is lacks evidentiary support. Given the lack of evidence, the phrase “was exposed to” does a lot of work in this paragraph.

To compound the assumption that Hyrum was attending prior to fall 1814, the article further assumes that a 13-year-old farm boy learning “Arithmetic” as a “Charity Scholar” at a charity school is “exposed to,” instead of “oblivious to,” the intellectual environment of a college and medical school simply because they are located at the same campus.

The article should address the relative plausibility of those alternative assumptions.

The 1813 Typhoid Epidemic and Joseph Smith’s Leg Operation

Sophronia almost died and Joseph suffered a complication, osteomyelitis, which required leg surgery. After initial surgery by relative Phineas Parkhurst,[24] class of 1805,[25] failed, Drs. Stone, Nathan Smith, and Cyrus Perkins from the Dartmouth Medical School completed a successful surgery by removing a substantial piece   of     infected bone. Cyrus Perkins, professor at the medical  school, was also son-in-law of Professor John Smith and therefore another Smith relative. Hyrum would remain home for a year to attend homebound Joseph, who remained on crutches for the next four years and be tutored by Hyrum.

The article should include specific citations to actual sources to support its claim that Hyrum remained home for only a year.

Possibly when Joseph made a recuperative trip to Salem with Uncle Jesse, Hyrum was able to return to Moor’s Academy in 1814 as a charity scholar,[26] a status shared by children of deceased members of      the faculty, children of missionaries in the field, and those with promise to enter the ministry.

This is a reasonable assumption to explain the fact that Hyrum’s name appears on the roster at Moor’s for the first quarter of 1814. Note 26 (originally 32) is useful for several reasons.

First, it shows us for the first (and only) time in this paper that the author is familiar with the Joseph Perry collection of Dartmouth records that Perry digitized.

Second, those records show exactly one reference to Hiram Smith, which is the first quarter of 1814. That is consistent with Lucy Mack Smith’s recollection that Hyrum attended after 1811 and before they left the area for Palmyra, but she did not say exactly when.

Third, the footnote does not cite a specific page number or even record number or title that a reader can follow up with.

Hyrum’s classmates included children of Drs. Nathan Smith and Cyrus Perkins and deceased Professors John Smith and John Hubbard as well as many Wheelock relatives. Twenty of his classmates would graduate from Dartmouth and one, Clement Long, would become Professor of Divinity at Dartmouth. Most of his schoolmates’ fathers were Masons including William Woodward whose grandfather Bezaleel Woodward founded the lodge in Hanover and father William Woodward was current head of the lodge.[27] Hyrum would also attend over 1000 morning and evening Presbyterian chapel and Sunday services, which were mandatory.

This paragraph contains several assumptions and inferences instead of facts, and yet is written as if factual, albeit without a citation.

The Perry records list Hiram’s classmates at Moor’s school. The Table of Attendance at the end of this review includes a transcription of these records, showing the names of every student on the roster at Moor’s school during the four quarters of the school year 1814-1815.  

It is unclear how Hyrum could have attended over 1000 services in one quarter in 1814. There is no citation to support the claim that all the Moor’s students attended morning and evening lectures.

Each day Hyrum observed the federal architecture of the buildings on campus including the construction of the Dartmouth Hotel, which was completed in 1814. Later buildings in Kirtland and Nauvoo for which Hyrum would be building overseer bear strong resemblance to the campus buildings.

The article infers that Hyrum studied architecture on the side when he was 14 years old. The only evidence of what Hyrum studied was noted on the Moor’s school enrollment for the first quarter of 1814, where he was listed as studying “Arithmetic,” while other “Charity Scholars” were studying “Virgil,” “Mathematics,” and English Grammar.

Hyrum even had the opportunity to observe such notables as Daniel Webster, class of 1801, who had a house in Hanover, and Thaddeus Stevens,[28] class of 1814, a powerful figure in the House of Representatives during Reconstruction.

An opportunity to observe is not the same as an actual observation.

In his final year in school, Hyrum experienced a yearlong revival that was punctuated by lightning and thunderstorms, earthquakes, and a well reported epiphany.

Not only has the article failed to provide a citation to evidence about Hyrum’s “final year in school,” it simply assumes Hyrum “experienced” this revival and accompanying events.

Affiliation with Freemasonry began early in Hanover with James Wheelock and Eleazar Wheelock Jr., John Payne and other townspeople in Hanover, who were not directly involved in college. Soon however in 1788 Professor Bezaleel Woodward, and Wheelock relative Davenport Phelps, class of 1775, petitioned for a lodge in Hanover, which was finally commissioned in 1796. By the time of Bezaleel’s death in 1804, his son William was a master mason and sons and inlaws of Sylvanus Ripley were actively involved. John Smith acted as chaplain and his   son John entered in 1812.[29]

This focus on masons is anachronistic in the sense that, although it was controversial, masonry was widespread in the 1700s and 1800s. Prominent people were commonly masons. George Washington (1732-1799) was a mason, as was President James Monroe (1758-1831). Other prominent masons of the era included Benjamin Franklin, John Hancock, Paul Revere, and Aaron Burr.

In 1799 the board of trustees at the insistence of the ardent Calvinist Congregationalists on the board passed a resolution stating that if any student joined the Masons he would be expelled. John Wheelock, however, made no effort to enforce the resolution until 1812 when the Congregationalists on the board, who gained control in 1810, forced the issue and the Masons agreed to stop proselytizing students in 1812.36  From 1796 to 1812 over 115 students entered the lodge.[30] Hyrum attended school with many children of Freemasons.

Assuming this is factual, it is also true of all of his fellow students.

These included William Woodward, John Smith, the Wheelocks, Cyrus Perkins, etc. At the time Hyrum’s name was still spelled Hiram. A better Masonic name could not be found for it ties in well with two of the three characters of the Masonic myth, Solomon, Hiram of Tyre, and Hiram Abiff the chief architect of Solomon’s temple.

While “Hiram” has Masonic connections (similar to other popular boys’ names at the time such as Mason, Tyler, and Solomon), it was also a popular Biblical boys’ name in the early 1800s, meaning "exalted brother."

The article’s inference that Hiram’s name had a Masonic origin is not grounded in fact. Other Smith sons also had Biblical names of Joseph, Samuel and Ephraim.

This spelling indicates that possibly Joseph Smith, Sr., Stephen Mack, or Asael Smith may have had some contact with the Masonic Lodge in Tunbridge, Vermont, or the one in nearby Randolph when it opened just north of Tunbridge, Vermont in 1798.

In 1800, Hiram was the standard spelling and far more common than Hyrum, suggesting that the spelling per se does not support the compound assumptions in this paragraph.

However, Joseph Smith, Sr., was soon rejected by the Randolph lodge in 1801[31] possibly for his actual or   perceived connection with Nathaniel Wood in nearby Rutland.

The possibility relies on unverified assumptions.

After John Wheelock’s death in 1817 the lodge moved to Lebanon, New Hampshire.

The Campus Clash between Calvinism and Arminianism

The college church operated under Presbyterian style government but its doctrine was Arminian based on the ideas on free agency of Jacob Arminius, who succeeded John Calvin as Professor of Theology at the University of Geneva. Arminianism became an increasing item of contention and would lead to hostility between Wheelock and Smith on one side and the Calvinist board on the other and would culminate in the landmark Dartmouth College Case.

The Calvinist/Armenian debate had been ongoing for decades in other colleges. In 1722, the Yale trustees voted to require of future rectors and tutors evidence of “opposition to Armenian & prelatical Corruptions.” Jonathan Edwards, among others, frequently discussed “Arminianism.”

The town church built in 1795 originally met the needs of both the town and the college.

By 1800, however, a rift had formed which caused the congregation to split between a Congregational and a Presbyterian faction that initially attempted to share the building.[32] After 1804 an increasing number of townspeople joined the Congregationalist side when Roswell Shurtleff, recently appointed Professor of Divinity, renounced his Arminianisn and joined the Calvinist Congregationalist side and refused with board support to preach at college services. The Presbyterian faction then chose to meet at a new location and the students returned to the college chapel for Sunday services.[33]

In 1804 Hyrum was 4 years old.

The Campus Revivals of 1814-15 and Related Epiphanies

An interesting epiphany occurred during the yearlong revival that punctuated Hyrum’s last year on campus.

The absence of evidence that Hyrum attended anything more than the first quarter of 1814 (August 28 through November 19, 1814) leaves the article’s claim as mere assumption that somehow Hyrum attended all year without being noted on the school’s records like his classmates were.

Levi Spaulding, a Dartmouth student, class of 1815, and relative of Solomon Spaulding, felt unworthy, took a walk along the bluff above the river with a friend, knelt down in a grove of trees and prayed, saw a flash of light, felt forgiven and then spent the rest of his life in the mission field in India.[34]  

Far from a revival, the Levi Spaulding experience was personal, shared by one other student, and hardly dramatic, at least according to article’s  citation, which can be found online here:

 https://collections.dartmouth.edu/ebooks/hill-college-1964.html#epubcfi(/6/26[ch4]!/4/40[page_205]/8/1:508)

This revival seemed to touch all students.

“Seemed to” extends beyond the available evidence. Extending it to Hyrum specifically is even more speculative. 

John Wheelock in letters to his sister, brother-in-law and Scottish Missionary Fund trustee Jedediah Morse noted that he had not before witnessed such an outpouring of the spirit.[35]

Benjamin Hale, class of 1818 and later Dartmouth chemistry professor further documented the extent of the revival from the point of view [sic] in letters to his father and uncle.[36]

These personal observations (assuming the author accurately reported them) are useful generally, but not specifically to Hyrum.

Prelude to the Dartmouth College Case

The battle between the Calvinist, Congregationalist dominated board and the Arminian, Presbyterian President John Wheelock simmered until 1810 when the deaths of John Smith and Lt Governor Peter Olcutt [sic, actually Olcott] gave the vocal minority a fortuitous majority of 1.[37]

Maybe this is true, but it is not in the cited source, which is available here: https://collections.dartmouth.edu/ebooks/hill-college-1964.html#epubcfi(/6/20[ch1]!/4/174/4[page_58]/1:520)

The new majority proceeded to turn down Wheelock’s choices for successor trustees, William H. Woodward, Treasurer of the college, and Josiah Dunham, Lt. Governor of Vermont, simply because they were Freemasons and friendly to Wheelock.[38]

John Wheelock then executed a defensive strategy from 1811-15 that led to his dismissal from his 35 year [sic] assignment of teaching the senior class at the end of 1814 and his removal from the presidency in 1815     after he published his History of Dartmouth College and Moor’s School in which he criticized various actions of the trustees.

That pamphlet was published anonymously and claimed the trustees were misappropriating money, according to the cited source.

Wheelock then appealed to the New Hampshire legislature as successor charter grantor. The legislature chose to amend the charter by adding trustees and making the college a state institution renamed Dartmouth University.

The old trustees appealed to the New Hampshire Supreme Court but lost.[39]  

When  the old trustees chose to appeal to the United States Supreme    Court, Wheelock asked Daniel Webster, class of 1801, to defend his case. Webster reviewed the case and then told Wheelock that the trustees had wronged him under the charter but that the remedy imposed by the New Hampshire Legislature, which unilaterally amended the charter by adding trustees, was a greater wrong. Wheelock knew his cause was lost and died early in 1817. After a long trial [it was an appellate case, not a trial, and it was actually argued in March 1818] in 1819  the United States Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall decided the case in favor of the old trustees and preserved the sanctity of charters.

Joseph Smith in 1840 sought the Nauvoo Charter after the extermination order in Missouri “to save the Church.” Joseph relied on the Dartmouth College Case precedent and the careful wording in the Nauvoo Charter itself that it could not be rescinded unless State or Federal laws were broken.

A citation is essential to support this fact claim. As discussed previously in this review, in 1845 the Illinois legislature revoked the charter. Brigham Young consulted lawyers who advised that the revocation would prevail unless the city contractually conveyed property under the charter, which would bring it within the Dartmouth precedent.

In other words, the Nauvoo charter failed to follow an essential part of the Dartmouth precedent.

Smith Family Migrates from Dartmouth Vicinity to Palmyra  After three difficult winters when over 25 percent of the population of upper Vermont left the State,[40] the Smith family moved to Palmyra, New York, by early 1817. Revivals were active in the area and it is likely that Hyrum would have been interested in them soon after arriving.

The article does not explain why “it is likely that Hyrum would have been interested” apart from mere assumptions unsupported by any citations.

Joseph’s recollection that at about age 12 soon after arriving in Palmyra that he was “concerned for his soul” suggests that possibly due to discussions with Hyrum, Joseph became interested in revivals.

“Suggests” and “possibly” are good terms to describe assumptions and inferences instead of facts. But in the same history (which the article paraphrases but does not cite), Joseph explained the source of his concerns.

First, he explained he had been instructed in arithmetic, which is consistent with what Hyrum studied at Moor’s college.

I was mearly instructtid in reading and writing and the ground <​rules​> of Arithmatic which const[it]uted my whole literary acquirements. (emphasis added)

He proceeded to explain how he searched the scriptures.

At about the age of twelve years my mind become seriously imprest with regard to the all importent concerns of for the wellfare of my immortal Soul which led me to searching the scriptures believeing as I was taught, that they contained the word of God thus applying myself to them and my intimate acquaintance with those of differant denominations led me to marvel excedingly for I discovered that <​they did not adorn​> instead of adorning their profession by a holy walk and Godly conversation8 agreeable to what I found contained in that sacred depository this was a grief to my Soul (emphasis added)

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-circa-summer-1832/2

Lucy, Sophronia, and Samuel Harrison probably also attended the early revivals since they soon with Hyrum joined the Presbyterian Church as early as 1817. Early participation in revivals would correlate well with Hyrum’s revival experiences in 1814-15.

Once again, the article encourages readers to think past the sale by stating as fact the assumptions about “Hyrum’s revival experiences in 1814-1815.” Here the article claims Hyrum’s siblings “probably also attended,” but in the absence of evidence one way or another, it is equally plausible that they did not attend any revivals.

Hyrum’s affinity for Presbyterianism and Joseph’s preference for Methodism probably is best explained by Joseph’s sensitivity to the substance of doctrine and Hyrum’s past experience with form of worship.

“Probably is best explained” is an unsupported assumption.

Hyrum may also have attended the Vienna revivals in 1819, but he may have joined with Presbyterians earlier. The exact dates are uncertain.

Not only are the “exact dates” uncertain, but the available evidence does not include such attendance.

Hyrum may well have even attended the book promotion presentation at the City Hotel in Palmyra in 1820[41] of A Star in the West by Elias Boudinot, Presbyterian President of the American Bible Society. The book deals with ancient America and was a source for Ethan Smith.

Because no facts are cited to support the article’s assumption that Hyrum “may well have” attended, it is equally plausible that he “may not have.” The cited source also relies on speculation instead of facts to reach its conclusions.

Joseph Smith’s First Vision, or visitation, of 1820, especially as described in his first published version, is quite consistent both with Hyrum’s experiences in Hanover and other local and regional restorationist phenomena.

Claiming it is “quite consistent” without specifying the nature of that consistency merely rhetorical. Plus, it goes beyond the available evidence by characterizing the earlier speculation about Hyrum’s “experiences in Hanover” as established fact.

Hyrum and Joseph most likely had many long discussions about such things.

In ordinary experience, brothers have long discussions. Guessing the topic of such discussions goes beyond the available evidence, however.

Hyrum with his Moor’s School experience with Indians and their traditions would have been fully prepared to participate in the family discussions in which Joseph discussed life among the ancient Americans.

This hypothetical could apply to anyone living in frontier America at the time. The only source (which the article does not cite) is Lucy Mack Smith’s history. In her report, she did not say that Hyrum (or any other children) contributed any “experience with Indians and their traditions,” which would have contrasted with the details of Joseph’s recitations.

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/43

Hyrum may have seen Ethan Smith’s View of the Hebrews 1823 and 1825 editions in the Palmyra library or in bookstore announcements in the Palmyra newspaper similar to the ones he had probably seen which appeared in the Dartmouth Gazette announcing the arrival of earlier Ethan Smith books at John Smith’s bookstore in Hanover.

While Hyrum “may have seen” the book, or even “probably seen” the other announcements, this relies on unsupported assumptions. Hyrum may also not have seen any publicity about the book.

Hyrum Joins with Presbyterians and Freemasons

Though exact dates are uncertain, early attendance at revivals after arriving in Palmyra and early joining with the Presbyterians, as early as 1817, fit best with Hyrum’s past experiences in Hanover.

The FAITH model starts with facts, but this section starts with assumptions instead.

Here, the article states as fact its earlier assumptions about “Hyrum’s past experiences in Hanover,” then it assumes Hyrum attended revivals in Palmyra because that would “fit best” with the article’s circular speculation about those Hanover experiences.

Joseph’s independent study of Methodism is consistent with his adolescent development, which was well underway. Joseph told Lucy that Presbyterianism was wrong, after Hyrum had joined with them and after Joseph had studied Arminian Methodism, shortly after the First Vision.

These statements require citations.

Hyrum, Lucy, Sophronia, and Samuel Harrison were finally dismissed from the Presbyterian Church in 1830[42] after affirming the Book of Mormon.

Note 42 lacks the necessary specificity to make it useful.

Hyrum also became an initiate and joined the Mt. Moriah Lodge #112 in Palmyra[43] after joining the Presbyterian Church and appears to have advanced three degrees to Master Mason. The name Hiram has generally been closely associated with the Masonic myth concerning Solomon, Hiram of Tyre and Hiram Abiff the overseer of the building of Solomon’s temple.

The article reiterates its speculation about the popular spelling of Hyrum’s name.

Hyrum Becomes a School Teacher and School Trustee

Hyrum became a schoolteacher to support his wife in 1826 and soon after supported the rest of the family when the Smiths in 1829 lost possession of their new home for failure to make a timely last payment on an installment sale. Hyrum actually had two teaching jobs.[44] 

As his Uncle Jesse had been school trustee[45] in Tunbridge, Vermont, Hyrum was elected to the school board of trustees in Palmyra, New York. He soon was interviewing candidates for schoolteacher. Lyman Cowdery was his first choice. Perhaps, this was due to his acquaintance with Lyman’s cousins in Tunbridge, Vermont.

“Perhaps” is reasonable speculation, but still extends beyond the available evidence.

Though Lyman was Hyrum’s first choice to be teacher, Lyman instead chose to work for the sheriff. Hyrum’s second choice was Oliver Cowdery.

Hyrum was only one of three to five school trustees (the exact number is not known). The trustees initially hired Lyman, who was unable to fulfill the commitment and recommended his brother Oliver as a replacement. The board accepted Lyman’s recommendation.

Lucy soon asked Oliver, a cousin of the Tunbridge Cowderys, to board in the new home in October 1828 with the whole family.

School teachers always boarded with families of students and usually rotated. There is no evidence that Oliver boarded with another family, but that is not evidence that he did not also board elsewhere. The only record of Oliver boarding is Lucy’s, so naturally she mentioned him boarding with her own family.

Perhaps this suggests a closer relationship than the joint intermarriage of the Smiths and the Tunbridge Cowderys with the Tunbridge Sanfords.

“Perhaps this suggests” is a compound inference.

Several members of Oliver’s family from Wells, Vermont, attended Ethan Smith’s congregation in Poultney, Vermont. Oliver also had reason to read Ethan Smith’s View of the Hebrews while he still lived near Ethan in Vermont or after Oliver’s family and the Tunbridge Cowderys moved to Western New York from Vermont by 1828.

The article does not explain why Oliver had “reason to read” Ethan Smith’s book, any more than anyone else living in that area of Vermont. But there is no evidence that everyone (or even most people) living in that area read the book, nor any evidence that Oliver himself read it.

Parallels Between Dartmouth Curriculum and Mormon Doctrine

Oliver soon joined Joseph in New Harmony, Pennsylvania, to act as permanent scribe to continue the preparation of the Book of Mormon.

“Permanent scribe” is not what the historical record shows. Oliver could be deemed a “full-time” scribe for April, May and June, although he shared scribal duties with two Whitmer brothers in June. He scribed additional material after that, but so did others, including for years after Oliver left the Church for 20 years.

Oliver and Joseph would soon receive the Aaronic Priesthood in May 1829. It is somewhat curious that they did not receive the Melchizedek Priesthood until Hyrum arrived later in the month for baptism bringing his knowledge of the Melchizedek Priesthood from his Masonic connections.

A citation is necessary here because the specific dates of Hyrum’s visit and the restoration of the Melchizedek Priesthood are unknown. Hyrum presumably heard about Samuel Smith’s baptism on May 25, 1829, when Samuel returned to Palmyra to relate the event, including the restoration of the Aaronic Priesthood on May 15, 1829. The article should cite factual support for this assertion.

Early revelations for the Doctrine and Covenants continued to be received as needed. There are a number of interesting parallels between Dartmouth themes and those of the Book of Mormon (see exhibits 3 and 5).

The “Dartmouth themes” were not unique to Dartmouth, but were well-known (if not universal) themes of both Christian and classical writers. The exhibits at the end of the article are based primarily on assumptions, inferences and theories, not any cited facts.

First is the focus on the Atonement.

Christian authors in America had focused on the “Atonement” since the 1600s. Jonathan Edwards, whose 1808 compilation (8-volume set) was available in the Palmyra bookstore Joseph frequented, as well as in newspapers, pamphlets, and magazines, wrote extensively about the Atonement, as did other Christian authors.

Then we see the prosperity cycle, admonition to avoid kings and elitist cliques.

Edwards and others wrote about these common themes as well.

Types and shadows are continually emphasized.

Edwards and others wrote frequently about types and shadows.

The structure of the book itself feature [sic] 3 Odysseys and 2 Iliads compared with Solomon Spaulding’s Manuscript Found which has 2 Odysseys and 1 Iliad while Ethan Smith’s View of the Hebrews has only 1 Odyssey and 1 Iliad.

Presumably every book about people migrating could be characterized as an “Odyssey” and “Iliad.” This sentence points out differences between the books, not similarities.

The Books of Moses and Abraham, which catch Joseph’s attention after the Book of Mormon is finished also have many parallels with John Smith’s astronomy lectures especially the concept of multiple peopled worlds and focus on the stars and light.

Such ideas were widespread long before the 1800s.

The Plan of Salvation is similar to the one in John Smith’s theology lectures along with the Enoch emphasis which has strong Masonic overtones.

A citation or at least an explanation of this similarity would be useful. Others also emphasized Enoch, such as when Edwards wrote, “The next thing I shall take notice of was the eminently holy life of Enoch who we have reason to think was a saint of greater eminency than any ever had been before him.”

The Kirtland “School of the Prophets” with its focus on missionary training and the study of Hebrew are also quite similar to the Dartmouth “School of the Prophets.”

“Quite similar” is a vague, subjective phrase implies more than it states. The term “school of the prophets” was widely used at other colleges such as Harvard and Yale and by Christian writers generally. Frontier schools that trained ministers were commonly called “schools of the prophets.” For example, in the 1808 collection of his works, Jonathan Edwards wrote “It has been common in our public prayers, to call these societies, the schools of the prophets; and if they are schools, to train up young men to be prophets…”

Even the federal design form of the Kirtland Temple, the construction of which was overseen by Hyrum in good Masonic fashion, bares a strong resemblance to the federal design form of Moor’s School when the dormers from the Dartmouth Hotel, completed in 1814, are added to the third floor as a late addition to the building plan.

The federal design form resembled New England meetinghouses generally. The interior of the Kirtland temple was unique with multiple pulpits, dividing curtains, etc.

The Kirtland Temple follows the First Presidency vision received by Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and Frederick G. Williams in substance but Moor’s School in form.

Moor’s school (more accurately, some buildings at Dartmouth) may have had some superficial resemblance to the Kirtland temple, as do most New England meetinghouses. But readers can decide whether Hyrum Smith designed the Kirtland temple to follow the form of the school he briefly attended twenty years earlier.

Other Related Dartmouth Graduates

In many ways John Wentworth,[46] class of 1836, was as important to the survival of Mormonism as Governor John Wentworth was to the birth of Dartmouth.

If not for sharing the same name, the connection between these two is ephemeral, at least as presented in this article.

He showed a keen interest in the well being of the Church as early as May 25, 1840, when he providentially stated “let Illinois repeat the bloody tragedies of Missouri and one or two other States follow and the Mormon religion will not only be known throughout our land, but will be very extensively embraced.”[47] It is quite certain that he knew that Albert Carrington,[48] class of 1834, who joined the Saints in Nauvoo.

Albert Carrington graduated from Dartmouth in 1833, was baptized LDS in July 1841 and then moved to Nauvoo in 1844. It is not unreasonable to assume he knew John Wentworth, who was three years ahead of him in school, but there is no evidence of a connection between them apart from attending the same school among 300 other students eight years previously.

Knowing that Mormon beliefs were in some ways similar to those of John Humphrey Noyes,[49] class of 1830, Wentworth inquired of Joseph in 1842 about Mormon beliefs as he sensed a connection to Mormonism.

There are no citations to evidence that this John Wentworth “knew” Mormon beliefs were “similar” to those of Noyes. Lots of people asked Joseph Smith about Mormon beliefs.

In response, Joseph prepared his well-known letter to John Wentworth in which he succinctly summarized the Book of Mormon and stated Mormon beliefs in the form of the “Articles of Faith.” When circumstances were approaching a crisis, then Congressman Wentworth even attempted to have Joseph appointed to lead an expedition to secure Oregon for the United States.

In general, Wentworth was helpful while the church was growing to critical mass under the protection of the Nauvoo Charter which Joseph secured in 1840 based on the protections assured by the Dartmouth College Case.

While Wentworth was “helpful,” his contributions were far from the claimed “many ways” in which Wentworth was important to the survival of Mormonism. The article lacks sources here.

After Moor’s School, Stephen Mack, Hyrum’s cousin, joined his father in Michigan to trade with the Indians but soon went on to Illinois and Wisconsin to become the chief trader for the American Fur Company with the Wisconsin Indians as well as their most trusted Anglo confidant and advisor.[50] In 1843 the Chippewa Indians sold their timber rights above Black River Falls to Lyman Wight and George C. Miller for the “Pineries” project to supply lumber for rapidly growing Nauvoo[51] where his mother and two sisters lived after the death    of his father.[52]

The relevance, if any, of this should be explained.

Summary and Conclusions

Dartmouth College had significant influence on the LDS Church, both direct and indirect.

This is a good statement of the article’s hypothesis, but it is based on a series of assumptions, inferences and theories, some of which are based on factual errors and others on assertions of facts that are not supported by citations to evidence.

The only objective fact upon which this entire article relies is the record of Hyrum Smith’s attendance at Moor’s school during the first quarter of 1814.

This is precisely the utility of the FAITH model, which starts with facts and then clearly distinguishes facts from the assumptions, inferences, and theories that lead to the overall conclusions or hypotheses.

When the FAITH model is applied to this article, the absence of supporting evidence becomes apparent. That one fact of Hyrum’s attendance for a few months leads to a cascading series of assumptions and inferences, all of which are fine so long as they are not portrayed as facts.

The Dartmouth College Case saved Dartmouth College and provided the legal precedent to preserve the LDS Church in Nauvoo long enough for it to grow to critical mass.

Actually, the Dartmouth case merely preserved Dartmouth as a private college instead of a public college that the New Hampshire legislature wanted. And the case did not prevent the Illinois legislature from revoking the Nauvoo charter for failing to meet the requirements established in the Dartmouth case.

The Dartmouth Medical School played a significant role in saving Joseph Smith’s leg.

Doctors who worked/studied there saved his leg, which should be expected because it was the closest medical school to the Smith’s home.

Hyrum’s education at Moor’s school provided a tutor for unschooled Joseph.

The evidence shows that Hyrum merely studied “Arithmetic” for one quarter of school, which corroborates Joseph’s statement that “I was mearly instructtid in reading and writing and the ground <​rules​> of Arithmatic which const[it]uted my whole literary acquirements.”

Hyrum’s exposure to Dartmouth’s theology, cosmology, ancient language studies, architecture, Ethan Smith’s son Lyndon, and Solomon Spaulding’s nephew James Spaulding from Sharon, Vermont, who was attending the Medical School, all provided discussion material for tutoring Joseph during his long recovery from leg surgery that kept  Joseph at home on crutches until the Smith family reached Palmyra.

This is one of multiple working hypotheses, consisting mainly of assumptions, inferences and theories instead of actual, documented sources and facts.

Another hypothesis is more consistent with the known historical evidence; i.e., that Hyrum learned Arithmetic at Moor’s school for one quarter in 1814 and taught arithmetic to Joseph. Joseph’s other education came from what his parents taught him, what he studied in the Bible, and his “intimate acquaintance with those of different denominations.”

The  future development of Mormon Doctrine so parallels the Dartmouth Lectures that it is hard not to perceive their stimulating possibilities.

“Stimulating possibilities” is a euphemism for “possible, but improbable, influences,” given that none of the participants left any such record but instead gave completely different factual statements about this time frame in their lives. The article does not demonstrate that the list of 20 similarities is obvious from the John Smith notes.

Even if Dartmouth’s ideas were unique, the article does not demonstrate Hyrum’s specific exposure to them, his familiarity with them, or his transmission of them to Joseph

Perhaps those discussions   prepared Joseph Smith in his 12th year to be “concerned for his soul” soon after the Smith family arrived in   Palmyra[53] and in a few short years to receive his First Vision.

It is theoretically possible that discussions about theology prompted by Hyrum’s brief attendance and Moor’s school helped prepare Joseph for his future role. But to be meaningful, this proposition requires specific evidence which the article does not present. 

The rest we know as “Mormon History.”

A good conclusion, and a reminder that much of so-called “Mormon History” from both apologists and critics consists of assumptions, inferences and theories undistinguished from the actual facts that everyone can (or should) agree upon.

Applying the FAITH model reveals that the article’s narrative is built more on theory than fact, suggesting a need for revised assumptions or additional evidence.

The FAITH model generates this analysis of the article’s conclusion:

Fact. 14-year-old Hyrum Smith attended Moor’s school during the first quarter (fall) of school year 1814-1815 and studied Arithmetic as one of ten  “Charity scholars” who did not pay tuition.

Assumption: Hyrum attended both before and after that quarter but the records are either missing or incorrect.

Inference: By attending Moor’s school for four years, Hyrum participated in hundreds of theological lectures at Dartmouth College.

Theory: Hyrum absorbed specific theological theories and arguments, organized them, and taught them to his younger brother Joseph, who in turn, over a period of decades, developed these concepts into modern scripture, revelations, and teachings.

Hypothesis: Hyrum’s experience at Dartmouth, which he conveyed to Joseph Smith, helps explains future Mormon doctrinal and community development.

_____

I invite further research to provide concrete records of Hyrum’s attendance or theological engagement, which could refine this analysis. Any additional evidence is welcome in the pursuit of clarity, charity and understanding.

NOTE: the diagrams at the end of the article depicting parallelism are omitted here.

[end of review]

Conclusion of the Review

The FAITH model generated the development of the article’s hypothesis. At the conclusion of this analysis, with the benefit of additional facts presented in this review, I propose this alternative hypothesis.

Fact. 14-year-old Hyrum Smith attended Moor’s school during the first quarter (fall) of school year 1814-1815 and studied Arithmetic as one of ten  “Charity scholars” who did not pay tuition. Seven of the other charity scholars appeared on the roster for school years 1813-14 but Hyrum did not. Over half of Hyrum’s 57 classmates enrolled for the first quarter did not attend the second quarter, and only 17 completed all four quarters that year.

Assumption: The first quarter of school year 1814-1815 was Hyrum’s first and only enrollment in Moor’s school. Like other classmates, he became ill and failed to return to school for subsequent quarters.

Inference: As a new student, Hyrum studies Arithmetic and had few opportunities to participate in campus activities at Dartmouth college or the medical school.

Theory: Hyrum taught Arithmetic and likely reading and writing to his younger brother Joseph, as Joseph explained in his 1832 history.

Hypothesis: The explanation of the origin of Mormonism involves innumerable influences as Joseph Smith described, including but not limited to his search of the scriptures, the teachings of his parents, and his intimate acquaintance with those of different denominations, as well as his spiritual experiences and his translation of the plates.

NOTES:

[1] Sketches of the Alumni of Dartmouth College, George T. Chapman, D.D., (1867, Cambridge: Riverside Press),          15.

Available online here: https://www.dartmouth.edu/library/rauner/chapman/

[2] Unpublished manuscript biography of John Smith, Susan Mason Smith, (1842, Hanover, NH)

[3] Susan Mason Smith.

[4] George T. Chapman, 15.

[5] The College on the Hill, Ralph Nading Hill, (1964, Hanover, NH), 58.

[6] Dartmouth Natural Philosophy Lectures 1780, [hereafter, DNPL] John Smith, (Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH).

[7] DNPL 1780, John Smith.

[8] Manuscript Found Manuscript, Solomon Spaulding, (1812, Ohio).

[9] George T. Chapman, 39.

[10] George T. Chapman, 57. 16 George T. Chapman, 57.

[11] George T. Chapman, 190.

[12] George T. Chapman, 57.

[13] View of the Hebrews, Ethan Smith, (1823/25, Poultney, VT).

[14] George T. Chapman, 46.

[15] George T. Chapman, 176.

[16] Joseph Smith’s New England Heritage, Richard L. Anderson, (1970-2003, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, Utah), 275.

[17] Susan Mason Smith.

[18] DTL, John Smith.

[19] The History of Joseph Smith, Lucy Mack Smith, (1845), 59.

[20] George T. Chapman, 200.

[21] Evening and Morning Star, (June,1832, Independence, MO).

[22] Richard L. Anderson, 221.

[23] Lucy Mack Smith, 59.

[24] A Study of the Origins of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the States of New York and Pennsylvania, Larry C. Porter,(Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1971), 9.

[25] George T. Chapman, 124.

[26] Moor’s School Records 1813-16, Joseph Perry, ( Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH).

[27] Franklin Lodge Records.

[28] George T. Chapman, 174.

[29] Franklin Masonic Lodge Records. 36 Franklin Masonic Lodge Records.

[30] Franklin Masonic Lodge Records.

[31] Randolph Masonic Lodge Records.

[32] Ralph Nading Hill, 58.

[33] Ralph Nading Hill, 58.

[34] Ralph Nading Hill, 205.

[35] Letters to his Sister and Brother-in law David McClure, John Wheelock, (1815, Hanover, NH).

[36] Letters to his Father and Uncle, Benjamin Hale, (1815, Hanover, NH).

[37] Ralph Nading Hill, 59.

[38] George T. Chapman, 51.

[39] Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College and Moor’s School, John Wheelock, (1815, Hanover, NH). Note: no page number given.

[40] Migration from Vermont, Lewis D. Stilwell, (1948, Montpelier, VT), 125-139.

[41] Mormon Answer to Skepticism: Why Joseph Smith Wrote the Book of Mormon, Robert N. Hullinger, (1980, St. Louis, MO), 58.

[42] Presbyterian Church Records. From where? Date? Link?

[43] Mt. Moriah Masonic Lodge Records. Location? Date? Link?

[44] Hyrum Smith: Man of Integrity, Jeffrey O’Driscol, (2003, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, UT), 25.

[45] The First Mormon, Donna Hill, (1977, Salt Lake City, UT).

[46] Charles T. Chapman, 288.

[47] Chicago Democrat, John Wentworth, May 25, 1840.

[48] Charles T. Chapman, 271.

[49] Charles T. Chapman, 254.

[50] Letters to his Sister Lovisa Mack Cooper 1818-50, Stephen Mack, (Bentley Library, Detroit, MI).

[51] Diary of George C. Miller.

[52] Stephen Mack.

[53] Joseph Smith’s Personal History, Joseph Smith (Nauvoo, IL: 1842).

Table of Attendance.

The following table is an AI-assisted transcription of the names on Moor’s school roster, school year 1814-1815, showing which students attended which quarter(s). The table should be compared with the original documents at mobom.org for accuracy.

This table shows Hyrum’s limited attendance, supporting the review’s critique of the article’s claim that Hyrum was deeply involved with the “Dartmouth community.”

Only 14/57 students (25%) enrolled in the first quarter completed all four quarters in 1814-15. Only 2 of Hyrum’s 9 fellow “Charity scholars” completed all four quarters.

30/57 (53%) did not return for the second quarter.

Students in bold appear on the roster for 1813-1814. Students with an asterisk (*) are listed on the examination sheet for August 22, 1816. Hyrum is not among them.